The purpose of this study is to explore whether adopting drama techniques in education has an impact on improving the communicative and thinking skills among female juvenile delinquents. This study also investigates how participating in a drama program could help aid learning for juvenile delinquents. The study is limited to a drama program implemented for a group of female juvenile delinquents from Pertapis Center for Women and Girls, Singapore. This Center is a rehabilitation center for female Muslim youth offenders. As such, the data was collected from three juvenile delinquents enrolled in the drama program. The data was gathered through observation, textual analysis and interviews. The aim was to explore how adopting drama techniques in education will create an environment where juvenile delinquents could use their thinking skills and communicate in a non-violent manner while participating in group work which enhances the juvenile delinquents capability to learn. The collected data revealed that during the weekly drama program sessions, the juvenile delinquents had improved positively in their ability to communicate in a non-violent manner and in learning and in their ability to use creative thinking skills. This study sheds light on the ways that educators in rehabilitation centers can use drama techniques to create an environment that aids every juvenile delinquent to learn, thereby enhancing the thinking skills and communicative skills of juvenile delinquents. Therefore, the study recommends introducing drama program in the juvenile delinquents education to aid learning.

This research examines Turkey’s hedging policy towards China; 2002-2015. It argued that two issues (1) the Uighur issue and Turkey’s pro-American Policy from 2002-2015 dominated Turkey’s China policy. The study has employed hedging theory as its theoretical framework and used content analysis technique of qualitative research method. The data collected is discussed in chapters two, three and four with useful findings and recommendations discussed in chapter five. The study has concluded that the after the year 2000 political and economic relations between Turkey and China have improved steadily. Both countries have sincerely worked to improve bilateral relations. The study has also found that Uighur issue is not a real hurdle between Turkey and China while the Turkey’s pro-American Policy has remained unchanged to date. The study highly recommends among others that Turkey should pursue a multi-dimensional policies and benefitting equally from its relations with China and the US.

This study explores the extent of migration of Nigerian experts and skilled workers to European countries. In this light, it considers some push and pull factors that help to explain the phenomenon. It also elucidates the impacts of the exodus of Nigerian experts to Europe on the Nigerian socio-economic and political conditions since the mid 1980s. Qualitative method was employed for the study, while data were collected from primary and secondary sources which include electronic sources, academic journals, and government documents. It was disclosed that there were some push factors for the migration of skilled workers. These include: political instability, economic crisis as well as social problems since the mid 1980s. In the same vein, there are other pull factors which include: provision of good working conditions, much higher wages in comparison to what they get in Nigeria, flexibility in the immigration policy for experts and skilled workers adopted by host countries as well as colonial and linguistic attachment. Against this backdrop, the policies of the Nigerian government towards addressing the phenomenon were surveyed. Recommendations are therefore provided to regulate if not eradicate the brain drain, which are expected to serve as open doors for more research in this area.

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This thesis examines the challenges facing Islamic political parties in Indonesia focusing on United Development Party (PPP) as the case study. The thesis examines the various factors that contribute to weakening electoral support for Islamic political parties in Indonesia. Research indicates that the misconception of the priority of the Muslim voters, shifts in political orientations towards more pragmatic political attitudes, the politicization of religion and increased factionalism in Indonesian Islamic Parties are among the key factors shaping electoral trends and voters’ behaviour towards Indonesian Islamic political parties. In response to declining public support, PPP has attempted to adjust its campaign platform towards more pragmatic positions with mixed outcomes.

This study examines the internal politics in Pakatan Rakyat (PR) component political parties (i.e. PKR, PAS and DAP) as the coalition opposition parties in Malaysia from 2008 to 2015. The PR was the first coalition of opposition parties in Malaysia that managed to deny Barisan Nasional of their two thirds majority in the 2008 general elections and won the popular vote in the 2013 general elections. This study is based on the assumption that there was a linkage between PR’s strength and contributions and various challenges that the PR faced. Political conflicts that constrained the coalition stability in PR leading to its dissolution are investigated. The study employs Arend Lijphart’s theory of consociational democracy as a framework for the analysis. The study argues that the PR as the opposition coalition in Malaysia was stronger than Barisan Alternatif (BA) or Pakatan Harapan (PH). The study found that hudud issues were the main factors that led to the dissolution of PR. However, it was also found that the main unifying element that kept the parties together in PR was main leader in politics, Anwar Ibrahim. Given the findings of this study, to achieve better electoral results, opposition coalitions in Malaysia would need to work out a better strategy to accommodate component parties with diverse ideological positions.

Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad’s concept of ‘mechanosis’ in his masterpiece, Occidentosis: A Plague from the West was examined through a library and qualitative research to determine its relevance with Islamic teaching, amid the Iranian dependency of the West. The thoughts of selected Occident philosophers of technology were analyzed in finding the influence of Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad’s ‘mechanosis’ in mechanization. Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad’s argument of the negative impact of Western invasion through technology and machine stressed the weak side of dependency. The researcher found the relevant relationship between Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad’s ‘mechanosis’ and the Islamic perspective towards technological advancement and total dependent of Iran, in particular, and The Third World countries, in general, to the Western power. This study was significant in providing the conceptual boundaries between developing technology based on Western paradigm and enhancing country’s own capability in applying scientific knowledge for machine and technology.

This study examines and analyses the causes of the civil war in Liberia in West Africa from 1989 to 1997. The study argues that intervention of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Liberia, through the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), was most justified. It explains how ECOMOG helped to resolve the conflict. Finally, it speculates on the future of ECOMOG and on the prospects of having it as a model for other sub-regions in Africa and the world at large. The data for this analysis come from mainly written works on the subject matter, such as literature on· issues of conflict in general, material on the causes of the Liberian civil war, and on the role played by ECOMOG in it in order to bring it to an end. An examination of the political history of Liberia shows that ethnicity accounts, more than any other thing, for the outbreak of the civil war and its deterioration into the total collapse of the Liberian state. The study also finds out that ECOMOG, although a strange form of peacekeeping, was the best to have happened to Liberia. Nonetheless, it finds out that ECOMOG lacked certain facilities that had complicated its operations in Liberia. For a possible replication of the ECOMOG experience in Liberia, the study suggests how the weaknesses and strengths of ECOMOG's involvement in Liberia can be avoided and adopted respectively.

This study explains the linkages between cyberspace and national security of Malaysia. It also discusses the views of government personnel as well as those from private agencies about the relationship between cyberspace and national security of the country. The thesis examines the nature of threats to cyberspace in public and private sectors in Malaysia, and also analyses the policies adopted by the Malaysian government to deal with cyber threats in Malaysia. The research uses both primary and secondary sources. It uses data collected from online interviews conducted with a number of personnel working in public and private agencies in Malaysia. Data were also collected from such primary sources as official reports, publications and various documents on the subject published by CyberSecurity Malaysia, Bank Negara Malaysia, and the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission.These primary sources were supplemented by various newspaper reports, books, magazines, and scholarly journals on the subject matter of this thesis. This study has found a clear relationship between Malaysia’s cyberspace and the country’s national security. The major threats to Malaysia’s national security emanating from cyberspace are mostly centred on cyber-crimes. However, the thesis has also discovered that there is a lack of public awareness about cyber-crimes and other forms of threats to cyberspace in Malaysia. It is only through the adoption of strong policies and measures by the government that cyber threats and cyber-crimes can be dealt with. It is recommended that more measures should be undertaken by both the government and the private sectors to undertake technological and social research on the subject matter. In addition, government policies need to be looked at from time to time and if necessary, adopt new policies to keep them at pace with new technological innovations. The cooperation between various local and international agencies must be developed further in order to make sure that Malaysia’s cyberspace is safe and remains well-protected, and thus making sure that Malaysia’s cyber-security remains secured.

16 September, 1963 is an important date for Malaysia as it marks the beginning of its existence. On this very date, an agreement was made between United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Federation of Malaya (Peninsular Malaysia), North Borneo (Sabah), Sarawak and Singapore allowing all these states to merge and exist as one sovereign state. Focusing on Sabah and Sarawak, a memorandum which is known as the 20 Points Agreement for Sabah and 18 Points for Sarawak was established as to protect the people’s interest, rights and autonomy. The emergence of the Sabah Sarawak Union (SSU) in 2011, which claims that the Federal Government has failed to observe these agreements has caused controversy and has become a talking point in the Malaysian political sphere. In the context of this polemic, the SSU has pursued a call for the independence of Sabah and Sarawak from the Federation of Malaysia. This study examines the significance of the existence of the SSU, in the context of its work to realise their political objectives. Also, this study analyses the response of the Government of Malaysia towards the SSU. From the framework of discourse analysis, this study illuminates how the call for independence by the SSU is articulated since its inception in 2011 until 2015. It shows that SSU’s independence discourse has successfully drawn the Government’s attention, compelling the latter to adopt confrontational engagement, which is explained through the idea of the logic of difference. Up until 2015, the Government and SSU have yet to achieve conciliation. As such, this study, by uncovering the discursive relationship between both sides, proposes ways through which the conflict can be managed better and ultimately be resolved.

Multinational Corporations (MNCs) are commercial ventures without borders. This study analyses the history and operations of MNCs in Nigeria with particular reference to Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) and Chevron Nigeria Limited (CNL). It is an evaluative study using the framework of Michael Todaro and others. It evaluates the positive and negative impacts of MN Cs on Nigeria. It uses data from government documents, periodical reports issued by the respective companies, newspaper reports and other secondary sources. The study found that the MNCs have invested heavily in Nigeria and provided enough benefits in the forms of employment, schools and other infrastructures. However, the study noted adverse consequences resulting from Initial clearing of the mining site, Onshore and offshore Oil spill, Gas flaring, Dredging, and other activities. The companies are aware of environmental pollution and other fall outs but they claim to have taken utmost care in keeping the damages within the tolerable limits. Nevertheless, the damages remain severe and the government of Nigeria apparently has no control in making the MNCs abide by various agreements signed. The study is important and warrants further research using independently derived primary sources

The study investigates the causes of protracted conflicts in Yemen since the unification of the two Yemeni Republics in 1990 in relation to Edward Azar’s theory of Protracted Social Conflict. The study verifies Azar’s genesis factors of the protracted social conflict, namely a) communal content, b) human needs, c) governance and the state’s role and d) international linkages and if they correlate with the protracted conflicts in Yemen after 1990. It also investigates if there are additional causes too. Irrespective of the fact that causes of conflicts in Yemen have been thoroughly discussed in literature, this study is the first of its type which provides a theoretical basis for an in-depth analysis of root-causes of protracted conflicts in Yemen since unification until today. Open-ended questionnaires were distributed to ten informants who were selected through a purposive/judgment sampling. Another eight mass media messages were selected through the same purposive/judgment sampling. This method of sampling was selected because of two reasons; 1) to obtain quality feedback, especially with the difficulty of accessing a wider range of experts due to war circumstances in Yemen and 2) to select relevant mass media messages that validate the theory of Azar, especially as the study is qualitative rather than quantitative. The study proposed two research questions: RQ1: 1.Why do conflicts keep conflagrating in Yemen since the unification of the two Yemeni Republics in 1990? RQ2: How well do Edward Azar’s genesis variables of Protracted Social Conflict theory: a) communal content, b) human needs, c) governance and the state’s role and d) international linkages, correlate with the protracted social conflicts in Yemen, especially since the 1990 unification? The findings of the study affirm that the genesis factors of Azar’s theory of Protracted Social Conflict strongly prevail as the main causes for the protracted social conflicts in Yemen since 1990.Governance and the state’s role is the most prevailing cause, both human needs and international linkages come second and then communal content as third. The study reveals new causes of the protracted social conflict in Yemen since 1990 which are not mentioned in the literature. The partisanship and party politics in Yemen, which were enhanced by the sudden application of political pluralism in Yemen after 1990, is one of the new causes revealed by this study. The American strategy of ‘War on Terror’ has played a major role in creating additional militant groups in Yemen other than AQAP and has also led to a nation-wide political unrest. Furthermore, the continuous involvement of regional countries including Saudi Arabia in Yemen’s internal affairs is one of the causes for escalating conflicts in Yemen since 1990. The study suggests the need for further studies to verify and quantify the findings of this study.

This thesis examines the impact of electoral fraud, ethnic politics, and poverty on electoral violence in Nigeria. The analysis in this case study focuses on electoral violence in Azare Katagum Local Government with specific reference to the 2011 general election. The findings of the study indicate that there are various factors that contribute to electoral violence in Nigeria. These include among others corruption, electoral fraud, poverty and mismanagement. The study examines how political manipulation of ethno-religious divisions among the major ethnic groups in Nigeria has led to widespread electoral violence in the country. The analysis is conducted at two levels. First, the thesis examines the wider structural problems that contribute to the electoral violence at the macro level. Second, using the specific case study of electoral violence in Azare Katagum constituency during the 2011 Nigerian general elections, the thesis examines the direct causes and wider impact of such violence. Data analysis in the study employs both quantitative and qualitative methods. A questionnaire consisting of 30 questions and using a 5-point Likert scale was employed. In addition, structured interviews were conducted to complement the survey. The findings of this research highlight several additional factors that contribute to electoral violence in the area of study. These include manipulation of societal cleavages such as canvassing for votes on religious and ethnic platforms, ethnic grievances, religious intolerance among party supporters, and politics of sectionalism, identity and religious differences. Significantly, it was noted that irregularities perpetuated by INEC officials and widespread corruption in the electoral system contribute significantly to electoral violence in the country.

This case study examines the implementation of local e-Government services by Kota Kinabalu City Hall (DBKK), in terms of its implementation degree, customers’ satisfaction level and the relationship between its implementation and urban governance enhancement. The implementation of e-Government has significantly transformed public service delivery. The implementation of local e-Government by DBKK is part of the local authority’s initiative to improve Kota Kinabalu’s urban governance quality. Yet, since its implementation, the local e-Government service is plagued by one serious problem, which is the lack of online features in comparison to other local authorities. Research findings reveal that DBKK offers numerous online services, such as the online feedback form, e-Services, e-Compound and e-Tax. Overall, the public perceives the local e-Government services offered by DBKK as satisfactory and there is a positive relationship between the local e-Government implementation and urban governance improvement.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the factors that contribute to ethno-religious conflict in the Tafawa Balewa local government area of Bauchi state Nigeria, from 1991 to 2011. The thesis also examines the effect of conflict on the political and economic development and why attempts to resolve the conflict have been ineffective. The study uses manipulation by elites, socio-economic factors and communal identity as independent variables, whereas, ethno-religious conflict is the dependent variable. The analysis in the study is based on Smith’s instrumental theory and Azar’s protracted social conflict theory. The analysis of data utilises a mixed method i.e. quantitative and qualitative. Data collection included a survey using 30 close ended questions and involved 231 respondents. Interviews were conducted to complement the data collected from the questionnaires. Accordingly, descriptive statistics, factor analysis and multiple regressions were used in testing and analysing the data. The results of the findings show that socio-economic factors, political manipulation and communal identity are important factors that contributed to the conflict in Tafawa Balewa. Moreover, the conflict affects the socio-economic activities of the people and failure to implement the recommendations by special resolution committees has remained an obstacle in resolving the conflict.

This study evaluates the factors of political parties’ institutionalization in post September 11 Afghanistan. It uses Svåsand-Randall political party institutionalization model as the framework for analysis. It assumes that there is a close link between political stability and political party institutionalization. Therefore, it argues that formal institutional context, conducive environment, capacity of political parties and political will are essential for institutionalization of political parties in Afghanistan. The study used a combination of descriptive and historical analytical methods of data collection and analysis. This study is composed of five chapters. Chapter One provides the essential background information. Chapter Two discusses the socio-political context of political party institutionalization since the early 20th century. Chapter Three describes the Bonn Agreement and the post-Bonn political setup. Chapter Four examines the factors of political party institutionalization in post September 11 Afghan society. In the final chapter, based on the discussion and data presented in Chapter Four, the findings of the study and valuable recommendations are given. The study, among others, found that political parties in Afghanistan could have a more stabilizing role in the politics and democratizing of the political process in Afghanistan if the political leadership had provided the parties with a conducive environment to operate without restrictions. The leadership had side-lined political parties which prevented their development and institutionalization. The study also found that the complexity of the system of law in Afghanistan, the political constraints, the social perception and the weak organizational capability of political parties have also contributed to the marginalization of parties from the political scene. Finally, this study recommends that democratization efforts in Afghanistan should consider the institutionalization of political parties as a priority. Immediate actions should be taken to simplify the laws and establish the necessary institutional grounds for political parties to operate. Educating the populace on the role of political parties in consolidating democracy will change their perception for good results. Lastly, the political leadership of the country must build its trust on positive participation of political parties in the political process.

The Middle East and North Africa region suddenly erupted in 2010 with waves of protests known as the Arab Spring which swept across the region initiating a wave of change in the region. The Arab Spring erupted due to the dissatisfaction of the people of existing living standards and in hope for achieving liberty and prosperity. The Middle East has been ruled for decades by authoritarian leaders. The people took to the streets and overthrew regimes in Egypt and Libya. It was believed that the people would establish true democratic rule and would enable a fully democratic era. This dissertation tries to explain the connection of foreign influences to the Arab Spring in Egypt and Libya. The influence is examined from political, military and economy. angles. The study concludes that despite what the people hoped to achieve for the country, influence from external sources largely shaped the outcome. The study also finds that the external forces have used various means of influence in the countries. The external sources did not use uniformed policies for all countries. The policies included political, military and economic options suitable for the country in question. By influencing the outcomes of the Arab Spring in Egypt and Libya, the external powers were apparently only interested to ensure their own national and regional interests. Ultimately the Arab Spring was highly affected by international political economy factors.

This study examines the factors of state failure in Somalia between 1991-2007. The main question probed in this study is what were the factors that led to the failure of the Somali State? The study hypothesizes that state failure in Somalia is strongly associated with the interplay of the internal structural factors of nation building, political organisation, and governance and external geopolitics of power and regional rivalries. The internal factors included leadership failure which personalized the state resources and power, the militarisation of the state, warlordism and civil war. The internal failure was exacerbated by economic failure and corruption which ended in the looting of the state resources. The external factors included Somali superpowers game and the regional intervention from Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Kenya which supported different Somali actors to achieve their own interests. The war on terror and piracy activity made the Somali State vulnerable to more intervention, and divisions among the Somalis. The root problem of the failure of the Somali State was the colonial rule which divided the Somali people into different states. When it became independent, Somalia’s main agenda was the reunification of the Somali people into the Greater Somalia. The study recommends that the Somali reconciliation should be inclusive of all internal actors, and supported by international players.

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