Browsing by Author "Alwi Alatas, Ph.D"

This study is an attempt to explain the role of the press during Indonesian national revolution 1945-1949. This study also analyzes Muhammad Asad Shahab’s historical background, his formative years and his contribution in defending Indonesia’s independence which declared on August 17, 1945. In order to explain and analyze these aims, the researcher used the historical and analytical approach. The study finds the importance of journalism in supporting Indonesian struggle against the return of Dutch colonialism. The news of Indonesian independence needed to be widely disseminated to the Indonesian society and abroad. Accordingly, the study suggests that the presence of the press in order to form opinion, spirit and optimism at the time of revolution was very important for these needs. In addition to the fighting spirit and optimism of the local society, the presence of colonial threat and Indonesian struggle to defend its independence needed to be disseminated to other countries so that it could be known, acknowledged and gained supports. Also, based on the traces of the press in Jakarta, the study finds that Arabian Press Board (APB), which was founded by M. Asad Shahab and his colleagues, is the only press that specifically spread the news both nationally and internationally. Moreover, as shown by our research, APB's news about Indonesian struggles that spread abroad, especially to the Middle East, as well as its reports sent to the Arab League secretary-general, had a strong relationship with Egypt's de facto recognition of Indonesia's independence in 1947, followed by some other countries. The study comes to the conclusion that through the press, M. Asad Shahab had contributed to safeguard Indonesian independence.

The main aim of this research is to examine diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Caliphate and the Sultanates of Aceh, Riau, and Jambi on the island of Sumatra between 1849 and 1904. In this context, the impact of the Pan-Islamism policy developed by the Ottoman Empire in Sumatra is an important development in these relations, involving examination of the factors of Hadramis, Ottoman Consuls, the Pan-Islamist press, Indonesian hajis, and khutbahs etc. The relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Sumatran Sultanates in the second half of the nineteenth century has not been paid sufficient attention in the existing literature. This study addresses this academic gap by providing a holistic and comprehensive understanding of the relations between these states and peoples based on official archival documents. After analysing this relationship, the study answers why historical relations between Istanbul and Sumatra were ruptured in the sixteenth century and why they were largely dormant until 1849. The historical-analytical method is employed in the thesis. In the diplomatic relations that occurred in the period between 1849-1904, the original letters exchanged by the rulers are examined, and the dynamics in the establishment of these relations are determined with the help of these documents. It is very important to consider the methods used by the Ottomans in these relations, because of the role of the Ottoman Sultans as universal Islamic caliphs, and how this legacy was reinvigorated in the context of anti-colonial resistance against Western empires, particularly the Netherlands in the context of Sumatra. In brief, the study focuses on the diplomatic relations developed between the Ottoman Empire and the Sultanates of Aceh, Riau, and Jambi, and examines how these diplomatic relations evolved later on, and took the form of a Pan-Islamist relationship during the critical period of 1849-1904. The result of this study, the Ottoman Empire established a diplomatic relationship with these Sultanates on the island in the second half of the nineteenth century and it was concluded that the Caliphate had an impact on Sumatran people since the 1880s. This research emphasizes the need for an alternative historical approach for studying this relationship, as well as Pan-Islamism developments occurring in the Malay World.

The United Malaysian National Organization (UMNO) is a well-known political party in Malaysian politics founded by Dato’ Onn bin Jaafar on May 11, 1946. The party played a very important role not only in the process of gaining the independence of Malaya but also in the formation of Malaysia. This representing party for the Malays, negotiated with the British to obtain independence for Malaya and later to form the new state of Malaysia. After the successful formation of Malaysia, the country was ruled by a coalition known as the Parti Perikatan. However, UMNO saw the necessity of merging with other local parties from Sabah and Sarawak to strengthen the alliance. Hence, the alliance was replaced by a new alliance known as the Barisan Nasional (National Front) in 1973. Since then, the Barisan Nasional has dominated the political arena in Malaysia since the founding of the coalition. The party alliance in Malaysia is important in order to unite people of different races to achieve common goals. Over the years, this alliance became the largest alliance in Malaysia and managed to rule the country until 2018. Even local parties from the state of Sabah joined this alliance to develop the power and secure its interests. However, due to the political instability in Sabah, no local party has ruled Sabah for more than ten years. This precarious situation led to the arrival of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) to Sabah in 1991. This party later succeeded in gaining the support of the people and became the party that ruled Sabah for the longest time. However, after ruling for a long time, the popularity of UMNO- BN in Sabah began to decline. Therefore, this thesis examines the political development of Sabah since independence and its relationship with the federal government, examines the factors of the emergence of UMNO-BN and its government in Sabah, and studies the main reasons for the downfall of UMNO-BN in Sabah. This research employs a qualitative approach by conducting library research to gather information on the subject and relying on primary and secondary sources. Most studies have also focused on the rise and fall of UMNO-BN in Sabah from independence until 2018 as UMNO-BN lost to the opposition during Malaysia's 14th General Election (GE14). It is study that the rise of UMNO-BN in Sabah is mainly due to the tense relationship between the local party that ruled the Sabah state government and the federal government ruled by UMNO-BN. The clash between the leaders of the local political party in Sabah with the leaders of UMNO-BN led to the coming of the national party UMNO to the political arena in Sabah. However, UMNO's rule in Sabah continued for more than two decades, making UMNO the only party to rule Sabah for more than ten years. Altogether, the study found that the downfall of UMNO-BN in Sabah was due to internal factors such as the political rupture within the UMNO party, the Najib Razak’s scandals, and the weak statement made by UMNO-BN during GE14. This study also discovered that external factors such as the birth of a new local political party in Sabah, a strong opposition coalition, and media advances also contribute to the downfall of UMNO-BN in Sabah's politics.

Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi was a well-known figure in the Islamic history. He was the Muslim ruler of Egypt, Syria, Yemen, and Palestine, and he grew up in a good and religious environment. Salah al-Din was known as a religious person, a nobleman, and a devout Muslim. He spent most of his life attempting to unite the Muslim dynasty rather than fighting the crusaders. Salah al-Din believed that if Muslims united together, they would become stronger. One of his most significant achievements was the liberation of Jerusalem, which ended the Crusaders' 88-year occupation. His determination to establish justice and ensuring that his people were treated properly, regardless of their faith, skin colour, or background, was one of his defining characteristics. Salah al-Din al- Ayyubi 's personality drew a lot of attention from both the Muslim and Western worlds, and both highly respected him. Considering his personality, this thesis examines the historical context that led to the emergence of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi, analyses his leadership and governance, and identifies the implementation of justice under his reign. The study uses a qualitative approach by conducting library research to gather information on the subject. The methodology adopted in this study was by analyzing historical primary and secondary records in order to acquire a complete understanding of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi’s character. Most of the study focused on the third crusade, where there were various and fierce battles between the Muslim dynasty and the Christian kingdom during this time. The study also identified the definition of justice from the Islamic perspective by providing Quranic verses on the importance of justice in Islam. All in all, the study discovered that justice can be applied to oneself as well as to others, regardless of their status, religion, or background. This study was significant to obtain an understanding of justice and its practices throughout Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi 's reign and how justice was administered in the government at the time.

The world-leading socio-economic sphere of Islamicate Bengal was systematically destroyed from the beginning of the eighteenth century onwards, particularly from the 1760s when the English East India Company intensified its eradication of Islamic governance. This study adopts a doctrinal method to analyse the transitions of the socio-economic development of the Bengal and its impacts on the Muslims of the region in the century. Various prominent research conducted on Bengal’s political, economic, and social history is analysed to explore socio-economic transformation and its impacts on Muslims in eighteenth-century Bengal. The research work maintains that the inertia of traditional Muslim elites and the revenue reformation policies of Murshid Quli Khan facilitated a new ruling elite to emerge who licensed the British traders and encouraged their ambitious assumption of suzerainty over Bengal. This enabled the side-lining of Muslims and fostering friendly relationships with the neo-ruling Hindu elite, who were awarded political power, economic resources, and education. This research demonstrates that the colonisers plundered the state treasury and destroyed a glorious economy; expelled Muslim administrators from the executive, civil, and judiciary branches of the government; promoted Hindu personnel, thereby exacerbating communal tensions; and imported an alien socio-economic, educational, and governance system from Britain, thereby strengthening British colonial rule and entrenching the suppression of Muslims. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that the continuous growth of wealth and its proper allocation would drive a nation to the highway of prosperity only when good governance is ensured, and many of the same problems continue to endure in modern South Asian society, preventing the equitable and universally beneficent socio-economic development of the region.